To answer this question, we must examine the nature of the Turkish state and its relationship with the West, as well as its role in Syria—both during the twilight of the Bashar al-Assad regime and in the aftermath of its potential fall.

The Turkish regime is a member of NATO and is considered the alliance's second-largest military power in terms of personnel and equipment. It is well known that this alliance was established by the United States to secure its interests in Europe and ensure its security globally; Türkiye operates within the American orbit—an orbit that protects the Jewish entity, empowers it, and shields it from any opposing force or international legal action.

The Turkish presence in Syria aims to preserve the Syrian regime—the very regime against which the Syrian people rose up in their blessed revolution of 2011. That revolution turned Obama’s hair gray and shook the foundations of the Russian regime; the world feared it might alter the course of history and permanently reshuffle the global order. Consequently, after the Russian and Iranian cards used to prop up this crumbling regime had been exhausted, it became necessary to deploy the “Sunni card” as a lifeline acceptable to the people of Syria. This maneuver was not driven by love or sympathy for the people of Syria, nor by a desire to halt the atrocities of a criminal, decaying regime that deployed the most devastating weaponry—including barrel bombs—against the populace. Instead, a primary objective was to prevent the collapse of the regime of Bashar Al-Assad—which had sold out the Golan Heights and guarded the Jewish entity’s borders for over fifty years—before a suitable alternative was ready. How, then, could the United States bring in a state to rescue that regime while simultaneously posing a threat to the Jewish entity? A sound, practical analysis of events and their progression reveals that the Turkish regime’s strategy regarding Syria is based on four objectives:

•   First: Protecting the Bashar al-Assad regime from collapse until a suitable alternative is ready.

•   Second: Nurturing the alternative—concocted in American circles and cultivated throughout the eleven years of the revolution in Ash-Sham.

•   Third: Aborting the blessed revolution and eliminating its sincere battalions and leaders—those who sought to establish an Islamic system—while allowing Ahmad al-Shara’ and his faction to hijack the revolution’s banner.

•   Fourth: Curbing Russian influence in Ash-Sham, now that Russia has served its purpose of preventing the regime's collapse.

Throughout Ash-Sham revolution, the Turkish regime bombarded the people of the region with threats and warnings, claiming it would not allow a repeat of the massacres in Aleppo and other cities. Yet, its “green buses” were used to forcibly displace the population, clearing the way for Syrian regime forces and their allies to retake these areas, while leaving behind—to be liquidated and destroyed—those fighters who refused to integrate into Türkiye’s agenda. This displacement scheme was among the most dangerous actions taken by the Turkish regime.

The true factor that aborted the blessed ash-Sham Revolution was Türkiye’s classification of Syrian factions into three categories: those loyal to it, those capable of being transformed, and those that had to be eliminated—a process that was indeed carried out. The displacement of the people of Ash-Sham took place under Turkish supervision, thereby achieving the ultimate goal: preserving the Jewish entity as a partner in the region.

Türkiye maintains a close relationship with the Jewish entity and was among the first nations to recognize it following its declaration. Furthermore, Türkiye’s leaders—or the majority of them—were of Dönmeh (crypto-Jewish) origin; they established a secular Türkiye upon the ruins of the Ottoman Caliphate. This relationship became evident when that monstrous entity required aid and assistance following Operation Al-Aqsa Flood; it was this very party that supplied the entity with Azerbaijani energy throughout its war against our people in Gaza—during which it committed some of history's most heinous massacres—by providing energy, ammunition, food, and medicine. This is an established fact requiring neither research nor proof, and it has even been acknowledged by many figures within Erdoğan’s party.

After the “alternative” regime—nurtured, protected, and trained by the US and Türkiye—was installed, the Jewish entity launched 600 airstrikes that destroyed the bulk of Syria's military capabilities and even struck the presidential palace. Its aircraft violate Syrian airspace day and night, right under the nose of Erdoğan’s Turkish regime; yet, all we have seen from Türkiye is timid condemnation, hollow threats, empty bluster, and Quixotic posturing. This continued until the Jewish entity’s rampaging fire reached the Abu al-Duhur military airbase—a site that had been under Turkish protection since Türkiye’s military presence in Syria began. Has the equation changed? Certainly not. The actions of the Jewish entity align with the narrative promoted by former US President Joe Biden—offered after the entity had lost its carefully cultivated image as a state with a “long arm,” invincible power, and regional advancement—claiming that the entity was beginning to regain its lost deterrence.

Therefore, the Türkiye of today differs little from the Türkiye of the Mustafa Kemal era regarding its view of the Jewish entity and the Khilafah (Caliphate). Erdoğan believes in a secular state—a stance he has repeatedly declared—and thus, the Turkish regime, subservient to and orbiting the US, cannot pose a threat to the Jewish entity; a fact well understood by the entity's leaders. However, restoring the lost deterrence, prestige, and pre-Al-Aqsa Flood image necessitates this rampage—carried out with American, Turkish, and Arab complicity.